《華爾街日報》專訪暴露蘇貞昌思想深處
《華爾街日報》3日刊出該刊日前對民進黨主席蘇貞昌的專訪。專訪中談到蘇貞昌'仍強調民進黨繼續堅持支持台
《華爾街日報》3日刊出該刊日前對民進黨主席蘇貞昌的專訪。專訪中談到蘇貞昌“仍強調民進黨繼續堅持支持台獨的立場”。就此，澳門新華澳報評論員富權今天撰文“《華爾街日報》專訪暴露蘇貞昌思想深處”，分析評論如下：
《華爾街日報》3日刊出其於七月三十一日對民進黨主席蘇貞昌的專訪。民進黨文宣部發布了兩篇有關這個專訪的“新聞稿”，其中一份是《華爾街日報》刊出這個專訪報道稿的英文原文，及民進黨中央黨部將之翻譯成中文的“對照”，另一份是民進黨中央黨部自己撰寫的蘇貞昌接受《華爾街日報》專訪時的談話內容。兩者之間有很大的出入，其中最大的不同之處，是《華爾街日報》刊出報道稿的“中英對照”中，有談到“台獨”的問題，英文原稿是：“Still, he emphasized that the DPP continues to stand by its pro-independence stance, compared with the open-ended ‘one China’ consensus that Taiwan's ruling Kuomintang party has adopted.”民進黨中央黨部則將之翻譯為“不過，相較於台灣的執政黨國民黨接受‘一個中國’共識，他仍強調民進黨繼續堅持支持台獨的立場。”但民進黨中央黨部自己所撰寫的報道稿，則完全不提這段內容，可能是由於涉及“台獨”，茲事體大。然而，《華爾街日報》已經白紙黑字地刊出，民進黨要否認也不可能，因而就在“中英對照”稿中索性刊出，並主動地以自己的語意進行翻譯，意圖盡量降低負面影響。
實際上，這句話就讓國民黨逮住了“把柄”，其文傳會隨就即發出題為《蘇貞昌堅持支持台獨？國民黨：應清楚說明》的新聞稿，質疑前不久才突然發言“捍衛中華民國國旗”的蘇貞昌，如今受訪卻只見“台灣是獨立的主權國家”等語句，通篇對“中華民國”隻字不提，立場投機、模糊反覆，莫此為甚。國民黨發言人殷瑋還進一步質疑，《華爾街日報》原文稱“the DPP continues to stand by its pro-independence stance”民進黨自行發出的中譯稿指蘇主席強調“民進黨繼續堅持支持台獨的立場”，此處的“台獨”究竟意義為何？蘇貞昌主席難道不用清楚向人民交代？
值得注意的是，《華爾街日報》對蘇貞昌的這個專訪，是在於七月二十五日舉行的民進黨第十五屆第一次中執會通過《中央黨部組織規程條例》修正草案，決定恢復設立“中國事務部”，亦即拒絕部分黨員提出正名為“兩岸事務”的建議，堅持要沿用“中國事務”，以凸顯“一邊一國”立場之後進行的。因此，我們就可以清晰地觀察到，由於馬英九和吳敦義的民意支持度持續低迷，更由於林益世案令國民黨聲勢受挫，再加上連馬英九自己也放緩了兩岸議題的腳步，這就等於是使得民進黨解除了“必須轉型”的“防空警報”，“轉型”不再具有迫切性了，因而民進黨決定繼續堅持“台獨”立場，以安撫及拉住黨內“台獨”基本教義派。
蘇貞昌對《華爾街日報》所說的這番話，打破了許多人的幻覺，那就是認為民進黨已經以承認“中華民國”為“國號”的《台灣前途決議文》，來凍結主旨為“獨立建國”的“台獨黨綱”。其實。蘇貞昌的“台灣共識”，是建基於《正常國家決議文》之上的。而《正常國家決議文》有兩大特點，其一是依據《台灣中國，一邊一國》的論述而立，因而等於是不再承認“中華民國”的“國號”，並將之稱為“台灣”，其“獨”味介乎“台獨黨綱”與《台灣前途決議文》之間。因為“台獨黨綱”是追求“建立‘國號為台灣’的國家”，是未來式的；而《台灣前途決議文》則是以承認“中華民國國號”，來認定台灣“已經獨立”，是現在式的。《正常國家決議文》則是在《台灣前途決議文》認定“已獨立”的基礎上，乾脆拋掉“中華民國國號”，將其“國號”稱為“台灣”。其二是按照“後法優於前法”的原則，及比照《台灣前途決議文》“凍結”“台獨黨綱”的做法，二零零七年通過的《正常國家決議文》，也已經“凍結”了一九九九年通過的《台灣前途決議文》。
在總統選舉過程中，由於彰顯“一中各表”的“九二共識”成為主導選戰成敗的議題，因而民進黨在壓力之下，不得不強調《台灣前途決議文》中的論述，包括蔡英文的“中華民國在台灣”，從而刻意隱瞞了《正常國家決議文》的“法理台獨”。而現在民進黨自認為已經沒有了“轉型”的壓力，蘇貞昌就連《台灣前途決議文》中的“中華民國國號”也不要了，籍著接受《華爾街日報》專訪，及本週三主持民進黨第十五屆第一次中常會發表的談話，直接使用了“台灣”，將陳水扁的“台灣中國，一邊一國”發揚光大。這就是民進黨仍然堅持使用“中國事務部”稱謂的根本原因所在。那些盼望民進黨“轉型”的善良的人們，也該清醒了。
蘇貞昌接受《華爾街日報》專訪時提到了“中國即將進行領導人交班，預期習近平將成為中國國家主席”，聯想到蘇貞昌曾於七月二十九日說過“民進黨恢復中國事務部，不是要向中國投降，也不是要討好共產黨”，就間接地證實了前段時間民進黨內的一種說法：由於中共“十八大”召開在即，新領袖習近平即將當選及就任，民進黨還要靜心觀察，因而不會即時成立“中國事務委員會”。何況，民進黨現在已經沒有“轉型”壓力，因而只須恢復設立“中國事務部”，以作緩衝，即已足夠。
當然，“中國事務委員會”還是需要成立的，恢復設立“中國事務部”的其中一個功能，就是為成立“中國事務委員會”作籌備。但基於“不是要討好共產黨”的原因，“中國事務委員會”也不會推遲到“十八大”召開之後才成立，否則就會被認為是“討好共產黨”了。因此，“十八大”召開前的九、十月間，就是成立“中國事務委員會”的最佳時間點。實際上，近來就有“中國事務委員會在九月間成立”的傳說。
當然，“中國事務委員會”延遲到九、十月間成立，也有“睇定先”之意。還要觀察安排了一批前朝政務官及南方溯、姚立明等偏藍人士作其董事的“小英基金會”的動向，也要觀察陳水扁是否真的要成立“一邊一國黨論”，更要觀察謝長廷的“一中憲法論”在黨內的接受程度。在獲得清晰的訊息之後，才成立也不遲。
由於民進黨自認為已經沒有“轉型”的壓力，也由於蘇貞昌是以剛過半的得票率當選黨主席，因而蘇貞昌面前的黨務工作重點，還是現行“安內”，要協調好黨內各派系，鞏固自己的權力，防避蔡英文二零一四年五月與自己競爭黨主席，及操持好二零一五年的“七合一”選舉。“中國事務部”和“中國事務委員會”，只是一個進可攻（倘有機會與中共交往）、退可守（堅持“一邊一國論”）的權宜工具而已。
【中評社】http://www.chinareviewnews.com/crn-webapp/mag/docDetail.jsp?coluid=0&docid=102188900&page=1
華爾街日報專訪蘇貞昌主席英文原稿
Taiwan Opposition Leader Willing to Be 'Flexible' With China
By JENNY W. HSU And ARIES POON
TAIPEI—Taiwan's top opposition leader pledged to reassess his party's traditionally combative stance toward Beijing, but said he hopes mainland officials will make changes, suggesting the party will continue to grapple with how to treat the island's growing economic ties with China.
Democratic Progressive Party Chairman Su Tseng-chang said in an interview this week that his party is willing to be "flexible" in its approach to Beijing, amid tighter cross-strait business relations and as China slowly evolves into a more open society.
The former defense lawyer also said that he hoped for improved relations under Xi Jinping, who is expected to become China's president during a coming leadership transition, and that he would be willing to become the first DPP chairman to visit China if such a trip could foster better ties with Beijing.
Still, he emphasized that the DPP remained committed to its pro-independence stance, compared with the open-ended "one China" consensus between the Chinese Communist Party and Taiwan's ruling Kuomintang.
"What has changed in the DPP is the attitude and approach toward China, but we will never give up our beliefs and values that Taiwan is an independent sovereign country," Mr. Su said.
"No amount of money is worth losing our freedom and democracy over, because those are Taiwan's core values," he added. "As we pursue further economic development and trade flows with China, we must not give up our status as a sovereign nation based on a system of freedom and democracy."
Mr. Su said he is hoping China's Mr. Xi will embrace a more tolerant approach when it comes to "ideological differences" across the strait. He cited in part Mr. Xi's extensive interactions with Taiwanese businessmen during his service in Fujian provincial government from 1985 to 2002.
"I hope he will have a better understanding of Taiwan, take a more accommodating attitude and more modern approach to improve the relations between the two sides," he said. "Hopefully, Taiwanese businessmen in China will be given better and more reasonable protection, and there will be less confrontations and more dialogues and exchanges."
The potential for strained relations between Beijing and Taipei helped the Kuomintang and Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou defeat the DPP and then-opposition leader Tsai Ing-wen in January elections. While the "one China" consensus leaves unresolved questions about reunification, it also has led to warmer ties between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party.
The DPP, by contrast, has long had a reputation for taking a hard line with Beijing.
China's rising dominance politically and economically has changed the political climate in Taiwan, to one that experts say requires a softening of the DPP's China rhetoric. The DPP, for example, recently reinstated a China Affairs Department, an internal platform to handle cross-strait matters.
But the DPP continues to draw support from a core group of voters who worry that closer ties could eventually lead to political influence by Beijing in democratic Taiwan.
"Our attitude and approach is changing, but whether China will also change, that will be its own decision," Mr. Su said. Beijing "should realize we are well-intended and pragmatic, and we hope [Beijing] will change more quickly toward a positive direction."
So far Beijing hasn't signaled any peace offerings of its own. While Beijing's Taiwan Affairs Office said it has "noticed" the DPP had reinstated the China department, it said China would continue to oppose the DPP's stance that China and Taiwan are separate.
"The changes in the DPP are noteworthy and China is becoming more aware that being hawkish is not the way to win the hearts and mind of the Taiwanese people," said Liao Da-chi, a political-science professor from National Sun Yat-sen University. "But unless the DPP is willing to bend on Taiwan's sovereignty, any breakthroughs will remain highly unlikely in the near term."
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000872396390443687504577562264020633628.html?KEYWORDS=Taiwan's+opposition
